The Cheshire Bantams in the First World War:
An Institutional and Personal History

Sean Livesey
A dissertation in partial fulfilment of the degree of BA (Hons) History
University of Central Lancashire
Supervisor: Professor Nick Mansfield
19 April 2023
Dedication
I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my grandfather Frederick Livesey, and my father Clifford Livesey, two of the gentlest souls that you could ever meet. They live on within the hearts of their children, and those of their grandchildren.
Acknowledgements
Firstly, I would like to thank Professor Nick Mansfield for his assistance and support in helping with the production of this dissertation.
A mention to all the staff at the Chester Military Museum for their patience with me in my role volunteering, and whilst I undertook my own research.
A special mention must also be made for Dr. Billy Frank, without whose initial encouragement during our first meeting at the University’s open day, and his ongoing reassurances, my own educational journey would not have been completed.
Contents
List of illustrations
Introduction
Literary Review
Chapter 1: The Formation
Chapter 2: Fred’s Exploits
Chapter 3: The Weeding Out
Chapter 4: Back to Blighty
Chapter 5: Later Life
Conclusion
Appendix
Bibliography
List of Illustrations
Figure 1. Alfred Bigland MP. Photographer Walter Stoneman (1917), National Portrait Gallery.
Figure 2. Regular and Bantam Cheshire recruits. Photographer unknown (circa 1914), Cheshire Military Museum Archive.
Figure 3. 15th Cheshires depart for France. Photographer unknown (1916), Cheshire Military Museum Archive.
Figure 4. Rudimentary gas protection. Photographer unknown (circa 1914-16), Cheshire Military Museum Archive.
Figure 5. Lieutenant General J. A. L. Haldane. Photographer Walter Stoneman (1919) -16), National Portrait Gallery.
Figure 6. Commander Major General H. J. S. Landon. Photographer Walter Stoneman (1919) -16), National Portrait Gallery.
Figure 7. A family stroll, but sportsman Fred still finds time for a cigarette. Photographer unknown (circa 1940), Livesey Family Archive.
Figure 8. Higher Walton F.C. YMCA Cup Winners. Photographer unknown (1938), Lancashire Daily Post.
Figure 9. Higher Walton United. Photographer unknown (circa 1950s), Livesey family archive.
Figure 10. Higher Walton Cricket Club. Photographer unknown (circa 1930), Iredale family archive.
Figure 11. The Greyhound Pub Disaster. Photographer unknown (1960) Lancashire Evening Post.
Figure 12. Clifford & Elizabeth Livesey’s House. Photographer unknown (circa early 1960s), Livesey family archive.
Figure 13. John Preston’s Diary (1977) ‘Mac’ earned their respect. [Press article] Lancashire Evening Post.
Introduction
‘Yes, Bigland’s Bantams’. These were the words scrawled upon the attestation sheet of my grandfather, Frederick Livesey, a twenty-three-year-old married labourer from Preston, who had made the relatively short journey of around fifty miles from Preston to Chester on November 30th, 1914, to enlist in the British Army. But what was it that inspired Fred – who stood at a height of just over five feet – and thousands like him, to travel the country, and in some cases the British Empire, to join the fight against the Central Powers during The Great War?
At the beginning of the war enlistment into the British Army was based on a voluntary basis only. Initial medical requirements stated that potential recruits had to reach a minimum height of five feet and three inches, however, following an unmanageable number of men presenting themselves for enlistment this was raised for a time to five feet and six inches. Due to dwindling numbers – as enthusiasm to enlist waned – it was lowered on numerous occasions. One such occasion came about following a commotion at a local recruiting office in Birkenhead which caused the local MP, Alfred Bigland, to seek permission from Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War, to readjust the entry requirements for enlistment.[1]
The requirement was lowered to allow Bigland to enlist recruits who stood between the height of five-feet and five-feet and three inches, with the caveat that they must be able to expand their chest to a measurement of thirty-four inches, one inch more than that of regular recruits.[2] This led to the formation of the first Bantam Battalions, the 15th, 16th and 17th Battalions of The Cheshire Regiment in November and December 1914.[3]
The dissertation will cover the events that surrounded the Battalions’ formation; including the petitioning of Lord Kitchener by Bigland; where Fred was stationed and saw action; and the Battalions’ eventual dissolution. Although this dissertation will cover the events surrounding the formation of the Battalions and their efforts in the war, it will mainly focus on the personal story of my own grandfather’s journey, through his enlistment, and the time that followed when he returned to society after the war’s end. The concluding chapter will examine what factors drove Fred, and others like him, to enlist in the Bantam Battalions, and how successful he was in reintegrating himself into society following his demobilisation.
As this is a history, museums, and heritage dissertation, I will also be producing a display that will be exhibited initially in Preston and then within the Cheshire Military Museum’s temporary exhibition space. The exhibition will consist of nine panels that will be wall mounted. The panels will explain the development of the Battalions, their endeavours, and Fred’s personal involvement. The final three panels will be devoted solely to Fred and his life back in Britain.
After transferring the exhibition to Chester, I will utilise the museum’s display cabinets, with one space displaying a boxing medal that Fred won whilst in a convalescent depot, and other spaces displaying a range of the museum’s Bantam related artefacts. Amongst these will be a selection of memorial plaques – also known as dead men’s pennies – which were issued to the families of Bantams who perished in the Great War.
Finally, there will be an adjustable mannequin set to the height of my grandfather Fred. Alongside this there will be a Lee Enfield SM 3 rifle and bayonet, which is equal in height, if not taller than the average Bantam recruit. On the floor next to the mannequin will be a soldier’s webbing and back pack – known as full marching order. This will be filled to a weight of around 70 kilograms. The purpose of this is to demonstrate to the average person today the diminutive stature of a Bantam and the weight that they had to carry. Playing in the background will be audio files of Bantam veterans speaking of their experiences.
Literary review
Little has been written specifically about the Bantam Battalions of the Cheshire Regiment, apart from Stephen Mc Greal’s Cheshire Bantams, which – although going into detail about the Battalions, from their formation until the end of the war – touches little on the personal stories of the recruits. Sidney Allinson’s The Bantams, which does not look at that Cheshire Battalions in isolation, covers the broader subject of the Bantam Battalions that followed Bigland’s innovation – including those from Canada. Gordon Bigland-Wood’s, The Bantams, The Untold Story of World War 1. “B.B.B.” Battalions, gives a broad overview of the material that McGreal and Allinson cover in their works.
Due to the rapid expansion of the British military during the Great War, Brigadier E. A. James’, British Regiments 1914-18 is an indispensable work. James was an acknowledged expert on the formation and deployment of British forces between 1914-18; due to the nature of the Bantams’ creation, their amalgamation into other units during action, and their eventual dissolution, James’ work is crucial to the research for this dissertation.[4]
For more focus, Colonel Arthur Crookenden, in his work, The History of the Cheshire Regiment in The Great War, offers the definitive history of the 22nd Cheshire Regiment during the period of 1914-18, and is not confined solely to the European battlefields. However, he admits that his chronicles of the exploits throughout the conflict are based on official records of the accepted main battles and seeks to differentiate these from some lesser ones not yet declared as battle honours. He acknowledges that war diaries can be unreliable when seeking to develop a clear picture of unfolding events, with some, dependent on the seniority of the author, being more reliable than others. Crookenden recounts the narrative of four Durham miners who arrive at the Birkenhead recruitment office having failed to enlist elsewhere – and that this comes to the attention of the local MP, Alfred Bigland, who raises the matter in parliament. Crookenden also acknowledges that the roles of individuals, particularly women, are overlooked in his work, although he gives a cursory thanks to them and their families.[5]
McGreal’s book is exhaustive in its explanation of the events that led to thoughts of expanding recruitment, the raising of the first Battalions, and their eventual dissolution; Allinson’s work looks at the movement that the first Bantam Battalions inspired. Both authors agree with Crookenden over the incident in Birkenhead that influenced the formation of the Cheshire Bantams – with Allinson expanding it to include other towns, such as Preston. Unfortunately, as no tangible evidence is presented, and as these miners have never been identified, this story may have to be viewed as apocryphal.
So, it can come as no surprise, that although the exploits that the 15th, 16th, and 17th Bantam Battalions are indeed recorded, the background to the extraordinary story of how these Battalions came to be involved in the Great War is often overlooked. As this dissertation will be examining both the formation and dissolution of the Battalions, and the personal history of one soldier, it is imperative that the voices of those in an ‘unofficial’ capacity are heard.
Nick Mansfield’s editorial to The Great War and the North West, tells us of the encouragement that miners took from their trade-union leaders’ opposition to German aggression in Europe. Prior to conscription, twenty five percent of Britain’s miners had voluntarily enlisted, a huge number from such an industry. That their trade would later be considered a reserved occupation under the Military Service Act, 1916, and their general stature being diminutive, makes their determination to enlist even more impressive. It may be that this group of recruits leads us to consider the difficulty presented when we come to examine events surrounding the formation and later deployment of the Battalions.[6]
Peter Simkins’ chapter, Each One a Pocket Hercules, in Sanders Marble’s edited book on sub-standard military workforce presents us with a brief history of the Bantam Battalions’ exploits. Simkins, who also recounts the incident of the Durham miners, takes us from recruitment and deployment to military engagement, and then the Battalions’ eventual dissolution. Most notable is the introduction of the belief, by some, that the Bantams were not up to the task at hand. Some recruits were indeed weeded out to other units – most notably the Labour Corps, as confirmed by John Starling and Ivor Lee’s work on non-combatant support staff – but not all, with some fighting valiantly up until the armistice.[7] Although the incident that inspires the formation of the Battalions is well documented, up until this point there has been little reference made to the social and economic factors that may have led to men – both able bodied and those previously classed as medically unfit – to pursue enlistment, so we must look elsewhere.
Stephen Roberts’ PhD thesis, The Great War and the People of Wirral, Cheshire c. 1910-1925, includes an investigation into the recruitment practices surrounding the ‘Pals’ Battalions of Liverpool and its environs, alongside that of the Cheshire Bantams. Roberts argues that there are class distinctions that help to mould the early enlistment pattern. Middle-class, white collared workers were much more likely to enlist than manual workers, due to part-payment of salaries whilst serving and the promise of employment on their return – something denied to most of the manual workforce.
Roberts also goes on to document the financial inducements that were made to some potential recruits, and the emotional pressure heaped upon those who were slower to enlist than their friends or workmates. These factors encouraged some poorly paid working-class men who were often malnourished and short in stature – employed in jobs where their lack of height was beneficial but was also matched with lower pay – to enlist, drawn by the pull of regular meals and guaranteed pay.[8] David Swift’s chapter in The Great War: Localities and Regional Identities, alsogives some insight into the desire to enlist for working-class men, and how their time at war affected their outlook upon their return.[9]
The texts mentioned so far, whilst not exhaustive, can help us to understand the reasons for Fred Livesey’s enlistment, but his life on his return offers us more difficulties. Apart from Peter John Holme’s Play Up Higher Walton: Football in a Lancashire Village 1882-2005, little is known of Fred’s life other than from information gathered by interviews with his many surviving relatives. This is where most of the additional research was directed.[10]
A series of interviews were conducted with Fred’s grandchildren and his only surviving daughter-in-law, in which their recollections of his wartime and civilian experiences were recorded. It was important to understand that personal stories and anecdotes are not based on credible research, that the interviewee’s memory may have dimmed over time, and that their Interpretation of a story recounted to them may differ from that of the original narrator. Some mainstream history professionals still doubt the pedigree of oral history, although much of the ancient history that we recognise today has been handed down in the oral tradition.[11]
Chapter 1. The Formation
On a dark November evening in 1914, the exact date is unknown, one man’s action was to influence the lives of so many more who were to follow his lead. A journey that started in the north-east of England culminated frustratedly in Birkenhead for a miner from County Durham. Turned away from every recruiting office en route, as he stood one inch below the minimum height requirement of five feet and three inches, the young man tore off his jacket and offered to fight any man in the room to prove his physical prowess. His ability for combat was displayed to a degree by the difficulty that the recruiting sergeant had in removing him from his office.[12]
It was not unusual for young men, both skilled and unskilled, to seek enlistment directly after the declaration of war. Local patriotism and the prominence of community organisations – such as sports clubs, religious groups, and trade unions – alongside the emergence of large factories and mills following the Industrial Revolution, encouraged males to enlist, often together.[13] Those denied their opportunity due to enlistment criteria may have been inclined to search for an enlistment office whose interpretation of the criteria was not as stringent.
Upon hearing the tale of the Durham miner, the MP for Birkenhead, Alfred Bigland – who had enthusiastically thrown himself into the task of organising his local county’s recruiting process – petitioned Kitchener regarding the prospect of reducing the height requirements for enlistment. The War Office was interested in Bigland’s proposition but felt that a possible deluge of new recruits could be overwhelming. They gave him authority to undertake the task if he wished, however, any financial shortfall was to be met by Bigland himself.[14]

Bigland was optimistic that he could meet the required target of 1000 men – the number required to raise a Battalion – as he had passed his enlistment requirements onto every recruitment office in the country, however, on the morning of 30th November 1914, his hopes were initially dashed. Many potential recruits from the surrounding area were unsuitable, although they met the height requirements, they were unable to expand their chest to the requisite 34 inches.[15] As the day progressed the situation improved; those travelling from outside the region had previously undertaken a medical examination at their local recruitment office and were issued with railway warrants for travel to Birkenhead to complete their enlistment.[16]
One such recruit who was attracted to Bigland’s new Battalions was my grandfather Fred Livesey, born in Preston in 1890.[17] Although told by my own father – Fred’s son Clifford – that Fred had hitch-hiked to Birkenhead on the back of a flat-back wagon, the fact that he arrived on the first day of enlistment would suggest that he had taken previous steps and received a rail pass. At the time of his enlistment Fred was 5 feet and half an inch tall, almost twenty-four years old and married with two children under five, and another on the way.[18] Fred certainly knew what he was signing up for, when asked, ‘Are you willing to be enlisted for General Service?’, he replied, ‘Yes, Bigland’s Bantams’.[19] But was his appetite to join the Battalion based solely on a desire to serve his country?
An infantry soldier’s wage in 1914 was a basic 7 shillings per week, with further amounts of 3 or 6 old pennies acquired dependent on additional proficiencies.[20] Further to this, Fred’s wife Ethel would have received an amount of 11 shillings and 1 old penny in separation allowance once their third child was born – this was a sum paid to the family that a married soldier had left behind. This allowance was a leftover from previous conflicts and debate was underway in Parliament with hopes of an increase.[21] Fred’s wages at the time are unknown.
Elizabeth Roberts, in her article Working-class Standards of Living in Three Lancashire Towns, highlights the dangers of generalising from statistical data, as particular factors may have determined the income and standards of living of individual discrete communities. The determination of a Preston labourer’s wage in 1914, therefore, is difficult, and there is surprisingly little documentary evidence, however, there is some data to suggest that it may have been as low as 14 shillings per week.[22] Fred’s employment prior to that stated on enlistment was as a dyer and finisher in the cotton industry, it may be that the drop in stature to that of a labourer could have influenced his decision to enlist.[23] The factors surrounding Fred’s drop in employment status are unclear; employing half a million people, and with cotton exports peaking in 1913 – and not starting to fall until 1918 – the cotton industry was in rude health.[24] Whatever the reasons, a basic income of over 18 shillings after enlistment, for Fred and has his family, would have been quite an attraction. Employment insecurity, for some, was not confined to Lancashire alone. In the Wirral area – the immediate catchment area for Bigland’s Battalions – work in the shipping sector could be financially rewarding for males but was often insecure.[25] The guarantee of a regular wage, albeit at a reduced rate, could be quite an attraction for potential enlistees.[26]
Money was not the only attraction for potential recruits; young miner Albert Lewis from Wales arrived in Birkenhead with friends intending to enlist with the Royal Engineer’s Tunnelling Companies, on a daily rate of 5 shillings. Short in stature, so mistaken for Bantams, they were taken to the Battalion’s barracks. Upon arrival they were greeted by old friends who told them that they expected to be fighting the Germans in a few weeks. The enticement of combat was enough to persuade Lewis and his pals to take a 4 shilling pay cut and sign for the Cheshires on the spot.[27] Some older volunteer were driven by a desire to protect their family and homeland and were further encouraged to enlist following agreement that life insurance policies, underwritten prior to the commencement of hostilities, would be honoured.[28]

After just two days Bigland’s recruitment drive had exceeded all expectations and he had enough men to form a Battalion; on the days that followed the recruits kept arriving, with Bigland forced to accommodate them with a second Battalion. What were initially designated the 1st & 2nd Birkenhead Bantam Battalions, became the 15th & 16th (Service) Battalions, The Cheshire Regiment; a further support Battalion, the 17th, was raised at a later date.[29] These plucky recruits that had come from far and wide to do their duty were filled with fighting spirit, they hoped that they would be trained, armed, and shipped to France without delay. The reality, however, was to disappoint them.
Chapter 2. Fred’s Exploits
The success of Bigland’s campaign, and that of other recruiting offices in boosting Kitchener’s New Army, was to put the War Office under tremendous pressure. Unprepared for a European war, and with a shortage of khaki material, they issued the Bantams with uniforms of blue serge, giving them the appearance of postmen rather than infantry soldiers.[30] It was not until 1915 that the Bantams, now part of the 35th (Bantam) Division, were finally all kitted out in khaki.[31]
Further delays faced the Bantams and their desire for combat. Reticence from the military establishment to utilise them, and a failed attempt to post them to Mesopotamia, meant that many Bantams were to spend their second Christmas away from their families.[32] Matters improved at the end of January 1916, when the 15th and 16th Cheshires finally departed for France.[33]

Fred Livesey had to wait until 16th June 1916 before he was finally shipped out, as on 15th August 1915, he had been transferred to the 17th Battalion who had remained in Birkenhead as a Training and Support Battalion.[34] His statement of services does not elaborate on the reason, however, it was not unusual for some recruits to require extra training. Once in France, Fred only stayed with the 16th until 8th July, when, for reasons unknown, he was one of 125 Bantams transferred to the 10th Battalion, part of the 25th Division, an event noted in the 10th‘s diary entry of that day.[35]
Whilst in France, Fred saw action at the Battles of the Somme with the 16th and 10th Battalions, and the Battle of Messines with the 10th.[36] The 10th Battalion spent the 2nd to 15th July 1916 in the trenches of the Somme at Albert, a period described by Crookenden as a ‘sticky time’, only attacking on the 12th.[37] Further fighting occurred at Ancre Heights, where on the 9th October 1916 the 10th had a ‘great day’ according to their commander Colonel A. C. Johnston. They went over the top with ‘no faltering’ and had overrun the enemy before the Germans could employ their machine guns.[38] At Messines, on the 7th to 14th June 1917, a ‘grim struggle’ faced the 10th with losses of 27 men, and 21 wounded.[39]
Fred escaped serious injury during these engagements, although his grandson Philip does recount a tale that he heard at the knee of Harold, Fred’s son. Harold was told, ‘when I went over the top there was a 6-foot German coming towards me, and I thought you’re a goner here Fred. Then me mate stepped in front of me and stabbed him’. What we know for sure is that Fred was admitted to the First South African Field Hospital on 1st August 1917, for an injury that occurred on 19th July 1917.[40] Due to the time that has elapsed from the occurrence it may be assumed that this was from the after effects of a gas attack that Fred endured without the aid of an appropriate gas mask. Fred’s son Clifford told me that Fred and his pals were surprised in the trenches by a German gas attack, unable to reach his mask, Fred was forced to urinate on his handkerchief to help crystalise the chlorine gas and counter any adverse pulmonary effects. This may have offered Fred some protection, but he was dogged by breathing difficulties for the rest of his life.

Fred’s injury did little to dampen his tenacity whilst in the hospital, he told grandson Philip that the convalescing soldiers were encouraged to take part in ‘rufty-tufty’ sports, such as wrestling – ‘on bare boards, not canvas; if you got thrown it would rip your shoulder open’ – and boxing. Fred recovered sufficiently to win a boxing medal whilst in a convalescent depot, something that remains in the family to this day. Fred returned to the 10th following his recuperation and remained with the Battalion until 10th October 1917 at which point, he joined the 176th Labour Company. He was to remain with the Labour Company until his demobilisation on 27th February 1919.[41]
Fred was fortunate to remain with the 10th for as long as he did; events at the Somme, where doubts were cast upon the morale and general quality of new recruits, led to a drastic rethink of the whole Bantam experiment.[42]
Chapter 3. The Weeding Out
There was a belief, from Battalion commanders upward, that the 35th (Bantam) Division should be reassessed. Lieutenant General J. A. L. Haldane of VI Corps under whose immediate authority the Bantams fell, stated that the security of the front could not be guaranteed if the 35th ‘continued to be constituted as it was’.[43] By early December 1916, the Division’s assistant director of medical services rejected 1,439 men as lacking in ‘military efficiency’ or for having ‘physical and mental disabilities’. Although there was talk of men feigning injury or illness to escape front-line duties there was no doubting the courage of some. Ernest Sheard of the Leeds Bantam stated that, ‘there was a lot of dodging going on’, although he praised others, saying, ‘I am sure that nothing but bigness of heart got them through’.[44]

A letter was circulated amongst the officers of the 35th Division on the 6th of December stating that henceforth all future replacements for the Division would consist of men of average stature, as owing to a manpower shortage, all Battalions were now recruiting smaller soldiers. Eleven days later an initial draft arrived, consisting of over thirty men. This prompted yet another inspection of the Division, carried out by Commander Major General H. J. S. Landon, under whose overall command the Bantams now fell after their Division’s move to the Third Army.[45] Landon appeared determined to finish off the Bantams, and personally weeded out 141 men that day. Unhappy with this small number Haldane sought the authority to drastically increase the numbers of those considered unfit for duty.[46]

An inspection of the Battalions was arranged by Haldane and it was undertaken by the Third Army Commander, Lieutenant General Edmund Allenby, who may have been unaware that the inspection was stage-managed by Haldane. The inspected men were arranged upon ground that sloped away from the position that Allenby would take. This created the impression that the men, although recognised to be of small stature, were even smaller than the height that Allenby was expecting. Haldane’s scheme was successful, and following Allenby’s inspection, his cull decimated the Division, with around 2,800 men rejected. They were to remain with their Battalions whilst the army considered their fate.[47] By early 20th January 1917 the weeding out was well under way; orders were received in the field from 35th Division General Staff for the ‘disposal of men considered unfit by C.Os. of 106th Infantry Brigade, and 15th. and 16th. Battns. Cheshire Regt’.[48]
Fred’s move to the 10th Battalion in July 1916 saved him from Haldane’s cull. Although he had proved himself physically able and strong of character by winning a boxing medal at the convalescent depot, would that have been enough if he was still with the 16th Battalion? It seems unlikely given the lengths that Haldane went to. Some though did avoid redeployment and earned redemption for the Bantam cause. The 35th Division repelled the German offensive at Picardy in March 1918, fighting valiantly but losing over three hundred men. It went on to play a huge part in the Allied final advance between September and November.[49] Casualty lists for the latter part of the war suggest that large numbers of Bantams were still fighting as the conflict approached its climax and would have contributed greatly to achieving victory. This is testament to the courage and fighting spirit of the men who could have legitimately avoided the call to arms, but who sought to voluntarily enlist by whatever means necessary.[50] Those that survived, Fred amongst them, could return home with their heads held high, and equal to those of normal stature.
Chapter 4. Back to Blighty
Fred returned to Preston in 1919 to a family that now included his daughter, Elizabeth May. In 1921 they were joined by another son, Albert, and moved to a larger house on the same street as his parents-in-law. This was financed by an improved employment position, as he had returned to a more skilled role as a bleacher and dyer for F.A. Gatty and Company.[51] Gatty’s was a company of French origin that originally moved to England to operate in the turkey red dying industry, this was a process for dying the British Army’s red coats in the 19th century.[52] The British Army last wore the red coats in combat at the Battle of Gennis, in the Sudan in 1885. The suitability of the clothing was found wanting in that dusty and brown landscape.[53] In 1884 Gatty received the first British patent for khaki dying, a much more suitable shade for a modernising army.[54] Thanks to the efforts of Fred and his colleagues, the War Office would not repeat the debacle that dogged the Bantams when a lack of available uniforms forced them to dress in blue serge.
As Fred’s family grew, they welcomed Elsie in 1926 and Clifford in 1928, eventually moving to a council house at 2 Hoghton View, in Preston, where Fred found little difficulty in reintegrating himself back into the local community.[55] He immersed himself in the local sporting scene, enjoying the roles of player, manager and official in both football and cricket. There is evidence to suggest that Fred was involved with Preston’s infamous Brookhouse League which existed from the 1880s until the early 1930s. Teams, some with wild names such as Adelphi Scallywags, or Tulketh Slaves, were formed from local mills and workshops, and played for the Brookhouse Cup which now resides in Preston’s Harris Museum. The competition was tough, trousers were often tied at the knee in lieu of shorts, and little regard was given as to whether participants could afford football boots or not. With players drawn from industrial workplaces it is possible that some games were played in clogs or hob-nailed boots.[56]

Despite his height, Fred commanded great respect. Speaking to the Lancashire Evening Post, Ralph Livesey, Fred’s son said ‘he was only a small man, but his word was law on the field and even in the tough days of the Brookhouse he would take no argument’. [57] During his time with the Brookhouse, Fred earned the first of his many sporting nicknames, ‘Mac’, due to the flowing Mackintosh coat that he wore which gathered around his ankles due to his diminutive stature. Ralph’s wife Margaret goes onto say that he was so fond of the apparel that ‘he was married in a Mac’.[58]
The league, operated out of the Brookhouse pub and played its games on a pitch surrounded by hoardings, with an admission fee charged to watch the games. Fred’s grandson Kevin recalls tales of men, hired to patrol the perimeter, who would rap the knuckles of children who clinged to the fence attempting to watch the games for free. In addition to the Brookhouse Cup tournament winners each received a new suit, with the runners-up awarded a new pair of shoes. Games in the league were rough and ready, with scant regard paid to Football Association rules.[59] John Preston, in the Lancashire Evening Post, writes that such was their ferocity that at times, on the Western Front, soldiers from Preston would often cry out as they went over the top, ‘remember lads, its Brookhouse rules’ – no hold barred.[60]
Sporting events were often used as a front for illegal gambling before the Betting and Gaming Act 1960 legalised certain forms of betting outside of the race track. Competitions as varied as pigeon shooting, wrestling, and bowling took place on land adjacent to public houses with publicans profiting from the sale of alcohol and the price of admission.[61] Such practices were not confined to the licensed trade; historian George Ewart Evans wrote of his plan to enter a running event with the intention of using any winnings to fund his education. However, it was made clear to him that he would be expected to hold back in several races to allow the organisers to profit from his victory later.[62] It is likely, in absence of cash prizes, that the Brookhouse League operated in a similar fashion.
Fred moved on from Brookhouse to manage a local team of high repute, Higher Walton F.C. In 1938, overseeing the club’s victory over local rivals Penwortham in the YMCA Cup. A photograph in the Lancashire Daily Post andreproduced in Play Up, Higher Walton!, introduces another of Fred’s many nicknames gained during his sporting career, that of ‘Nick’.[63] Fred was still involved with Higher Walton up until the 1950s, when the club had re-established itself as Higher Walton United following World War Two.[64]


Alongside football, Fred juggled his love for cricket, playing for Higher Walton Cricket Club on his return from the war.[65] Again, once his playing days were over, he progressed to officiating, his grandchildren share fond memories of this time. Granddaughter Rosalind recalls a particular feeling of pride on Preston railway station when Fred and Ethel were taking her on a day out.

Two men stood nearby, one nudged the other and said, ‘do you know that cricket match t’other day? He’s the one that reffed it’; to this day she remembers a feeling of immense pride. Grandson Sam recalls accompanying Fred on his umpiring duties where he was known by the nickname ‘long-jacket’ – perhaps his Mackintosh was unsuitable for summer sports – and grandson Tony recalls that he was known as ‘fiery Fred’ due to his stern umpiring decisions. As old age approached Fred relinquished many of his sporting obligations, choosing only to pursue his umpiring duties and forming a crown green bowling partnership with his wife. However, this was to be far from an uneventful period in his life.
Chapter 5. Later Life
Forced to retire in 1955 – the Government’s default retirement age of 65 years for men was not scrapped until 2011 – Fred settled into a varied, but relatively uneventful social life. However, on the afternoon of 16th November 1960, Fred made a decision that was to spare him from involvement in one of the more dramatic episodes in Preston’s recent history. Grandsons Philip and Tony recount that Fred was invited by his neighbour, William Berry, for a lunchtime drink at the Greyhound Hotel, but declined in a decision that was to prove potentially lifesaving.
The pub, one of a number in Preston owned by Boddingtons Brewery of Manchester, was earmarked for major renovation work, with the roof and top floor to be demolished. Licensing laws dictated that a pub could lose its licence to serve alcohol if it ceased to operate for a period of time. A temporary bar was constructed within the pub to allow the pub’s landlord, Eric Ratcliffe, to continue to serve his regulars once the building work commenced at the beginning of November.[66]
As last orders approached at 3pm, most of the customers had left the premises. Without warning, and with witnesses speaking of a mighty rumbling sound, the building collapsed.[67] Within minutes emergency services were at the scene but arrived too late to save four of those in the pub at the time of its collapse – amongst them William Berry, and landlady Eithne Ratcliffe.[68] At the inquest a relative of William Berry described his liking for an afternoon drink surrounded by friends.[69] Fortunately, that afternoon, Fred was not one of them.

Fred’s grandchildren remember him as a robust man in his retirement, who would often give chase, feigning anger at his inability to discover them. Fred and Ethel would visit their children regularly on the bus, and grandson Eamon recalls that Fred would never pass up the opportunity to play practical jokes on these occasions. He lived long enough to see some of his grandchildren marry and have children of their own, however, failing health, partially due to his war-induced asthma, forced Fred and Ethel to leave their house in Frenchwood and move to a new flat, built after the slum clearance of the Avenham area. Not long after the move, daughter-in-law Elizabeth recalls that Ethel’s health declined rapidly, and she believes Ethel felt disorientated by the new surroundings.

Ethel was the first to pass away in April 1972, at the age of 82.[70] After Ethel’s death, grandson Sam recalls that Fred went to live with daughter Elsie and would often drift off to sleep, rambling ‘they’re coming over the top, they’re coming over the top’. Although he never spoke directly to his offspring about his wartime exploits, it seems that they were hard to erase. Fred passed away almost a year after the death of his wife, also aged 82.[71]

In death Fred is well remembered, not only by his family, but by those he met along the way. Photographs and articles would appear in the local press speaking of a mysterious figure called Mac, inevitably leading to a plethora of letters from people eager to share their memories – or those passed down to them – of a man they recalled so well.
Conclusion
So, to conclude, did Fred share a commonality with his fellow Bantams regarding his enlistment? Without the personal testimony of those concerned we can never be sure. However, the outbreak of war saw a multitude of young men descend onto recruiting offices seeking adventures abroad, some from valued occupations such as mining, others from more middle-class professions. The pressure felt by their peers who were denied the same opportunity due to their lack of height must have weighed heavily, and when restrictions were amended, they seized their opportunity also. Whilst some may have enlisted to pursue feats of derring-do, others may have had more desperate reasons.
White-collared enlistees’ occupations were often secured for their return from service, the position of working-class recruits was less assured. Often malnourished – a contributary factor to their lack of height – and less financially secure, the attraction of regular meals and wages must have been a factor for some soldiers. Certainly, in Fred’s case we can see a marked improvement in his finances once his enlistment into the Bantams was complete. Whilst this may have been a factor for Fred and others from a similar background it was not always the case. The decision by some recruits, who were heading for well-paid service with the Royal Engineers, to take a pay cut to accelerate their arrival on the frontline suggests a more patriotic reason for enlisting, a chance to ‘do one’s bit’.
It is likely that whilst the overarching reason for most recruits was based on patriotism and a thirst for adventure, individual reasons varied. Fred’s reasons for enlisting were likely shared by some, but not others. What we can be sure of is that Fred took the opportunity to serve his country, had a varied and stirring military experience, and on his return home, filled his life with his love for his family and his passion for sport. A life well lived.
Appendix
The exhibition element of this dissertation was originally intended to launch at the Cheshire Military Museum in early May 2023. Unfortunately, due to circumstance beyond my control this is no longer the case. Thanks to The Larder, a café, arts, and community hub situated in Preston, there will now be a ‘soft’ launch on Wednesday 26th April. Due to constraints on space, and a lack of artefacts from the museum, it will consist only of the exhibition display boards. Once the exhibition space at the museum becomes available – currently anticipated as Autumn 2023 – the display boards will transfer to Chester and become part of a much more immersive experience. The museum’s temporary exhibition space is entered from the museum’s courtyard, an area that displays numerous armoured vehicles.

Once in the exhibition space visitors will pass through a corridor draped in camouflage netting into the temporary display area.

In the temporary display area the first display board will be situated to their left, placed over a hessian backing that is currently being used for an Army Cadet Force display.

As they follow the display boards clockwise around the room, they will become aware of various display cabinets.


These cabinets will display a number Bantam related artefacts. Amongst them will be several ‘dead man’s pennies’, medals that were awarded to the families of fatalities from the Great War. Located in the middle of the display area will be a cabinet that displays the boxing medal that Fred won whilst recovering in a convalescent depot.
As they pass the final display board, they will approach a mannequin dressed in Cheshires’ battle dress and set to the height of Fred.


Beside this will be full marching order – the backpack and webbing that a Bantam was expected to carry – and a Lee Enfield SM 3 rifle complete with bayonet. The full marching order will be filled to a weight of 70 kilograms. Above the mannequin will be a sign that states ‘Do You Measure Up?’ Visitors will be invited to try and move the full marching order, with a sign warning of its weight. The purpose of this is to demonstrate the difficulties that were presented to the Bantams as they attempted to manoeuvre the battlefield in their standard issue kit.
Whilst the visitors make their way around the exhibition, there will be audio files of former Bantams speaking of their experiences, playing in the background.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
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Helen B. McCartney, ‘North-West infantry battalions and local patriotism in the First World War’, in Nick Mansfield (ed.), The Great War and the North West (Manchester: Manchester Metropolitan University, 2014)
Stephen McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 2006)
R. Money Barnes, A History of the Regiments and Uniforms of the British Army (London: Seeley, Service, 1962)
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Rosalind Garry, 19th January 2023.
Anthony Livesey, 20th January 2023.
Eamon Livesey, 17th January 2023.
Elizabeth Livesey, 21st January 2023.
Kevin Livesey, 10th February 2023.
Philip Livesey, 20th November 2022.
Samuel Whiston, 7th March 2023.
PhD Thesis
Stephen John Roberts, The Great War and the People of Wirral, Cheshire c. 1910-1925, PhD Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2022.
[1] Stephen McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 2006), pp. 21 – 22.
[2] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p. 22.
[3] Brig. E. A. James, British Regiments 1914-18 (Dallington: Naval and Military Press, 1998), p. 66.
[4] Brig. E. A. James, British Regiments 1914-18.
[5] Colonel Arthur Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment in the Great War (Uckfield: Naval and Military Press, 2005)
[6] Sidney Allinson, The Bantams (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 1981); Stephen McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams (Barnsley: Pen and Sword, 2006); Nick Mansfield, ‘Editorial’, in Nick Mansfield (ed.), The Great War and the North West (Manchester: Manchester Metropolitan University, 2014)
[7] Peter Simkins, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, in Sanders Marble (ed.), Scraping the Barrel. The Military Use of Substandard Manpower, 1860-1960 (New York: Fordham University Press, 2012); John Starling and Ivor Lee, No Labour, No Battle. Military Labour During the First World War (Cheltenham: The History Press, 2014)
[8] Stephen John Roberts, The Great War and the People of Wirral, Cheshire c. 1910-1925, PhD Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2022.
[9] David Swift, ‘Labour Patriotism in Lancashire and London, 1914-1918’, in Nick Mansfield and Craig Horner (eds.), The Great War, Localities and Regional Identities (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014)
[10] Peter John Holme, Play Up, Higher Walton: Football in a Lancashire Village 1882-2005 (Staining: Landy Publishing, 2006)
[11] John Tosh, The Pursuit of History, (London: Routledge, 2015), pp. 263 – 264.
[12] Allinson, The Bantams, pp. 36 – 37, Gordon Bigland-Wood, The Bantams, The Untold Story of World War 1. “B.B.B.” Battalions, (Cambridge: Fen Ditton, 1992), pp. 1 – 2, Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, pp. 346 347.
[13] Helen B. McCartney, ‘North-West infantry battalions and local patriotism in the First World War’, in Nick Mansfield (ed.), The Great War and the North West (Manchester: Manchester Metropolitan University, 2014), p. 3; Swift, ‘Labour Patriotism’, pp. 138 140.
[14] Allinson, The Bantams, pp. 37 – 38; Bigland-Wood, The Bantams, pp. 3 – 4; McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, pp. 21 – 23.
[15] Allinson, The Bantams, p. 39; Bigland-Wood, The Bantams, p. 5; McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p 31.
[16] Allinson, The Bantams, p. 39.
[17] H.M. Government, ‘Record of Birth’, Ancestry <https://www.ancestry.co.uk/imageviewer/collections/2575/images/4360286_00415?treeid=&personid=&hintid=&queryId=a2c51bf50c29416de1fb6783186ff9fe&usePUB=true&_phsrc=tWE6&_phstart=successSource&usePUBJs=true&pId=5415193> [accessed 13 January 2023]
[18] UK, British Army World War 1 Service Records, 1914-1920 for Frederick Livesey, Image 3446, ‘Descriptive Report on Enlistment’, Ancestry <https://www.ancestry.co.uk/imageviewer/collections/1219/images/30971_172367-00744?treeid=&personid=&hintid=&queryId=123feb33f5111c6c82fc5d4624e0aeef&usePUB=true&_phsrc=aWL1&_phstart=successSource&usePUBJs=true&pId=1193799> [accessed 13 January 2023]
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[21] Hansard, ‘Pensions and Separations Allowance’, UK Government <https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1914/aug/31/pensions-and-separation-allowances> [accessed 1 March 2023] (paras. 1 & 2)
[22] Elizabeth Roberts, ‘Working-class Standards of Living in Three Lancashire Towns’, International Review of Social History, vol. 27, iss. 1 (1982), pp. 43 – 47.
[23] H.M. Government, ‘Census Entry for 180 Victoria Road’, Ancestry <https://www.ancestry.co.uk/imageviewer/collections/2352/images/rg14_25327_0239_03?treeid=&personid=&hintid=&usePUB=true&usePUBJs=true&pId=30857903> [accessed 9 March 2023]
[24] Timothy Leunig, ‘The Myth of the Corporate Economy: Great Britain’s Cotton Textile Industry, 1900-1913’, Business and Economic History, vol. 25, iss. 2 (1996), p. 53.
[25] Roberts, The Great War, p. 70.
[26] McCartney, ‘North-West infantry battalions’ p. 3.
[27] Allinson, The Bantams, p. 45; Bigland-Wood, The Bantams, pp. 12 – 13.
[28] McCartney, ‘North-West infantry battalions’, p. 3.
[29] Allinson, The Bantams, pp. 39 – 40; Bigland-Wood, The Bantams, p. 5; Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, pp. 346 34;McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, pp. 29 – 32.
[30] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p. 37.
[31] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p. 49.
[32] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, pp. 72 – 74.
[33] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, pp.75 – 76.
[34] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p. 73.
[35] 10th Battalion (Cheshires), ‘War Diary Entry, 8th July 1916′, Ancestry <https://www.ancestry.co.uk/discoveryui-content/view/451797:60779?_phsrc=YSX6&_phstart=successSource&ml_rpos=66&queryId=b63e454c461bf7d7f7218ea5fd1b1962> [accessed 8 March 2023]
[36] Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, p. x.
[37] Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, p. 71.
[38] Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, pp. 91- 92.
[39] Crookenden, The History of the Cheshire Regiment, pp. 108 – 109.
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[42] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, pp. 87 – 89.
[43] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, p. 92.
[44] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, pp. 92 – 93.
[45] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, p. 90.
[46] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, p. 135.
[47] McGreal, The Cheshire Bantams, pp. 135 136.
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[49] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, pp. 98 – 101.
[50] Simkin, ‘Each One a Pocket Hercules’, pp. 103 – 104.
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[52] Elmfield Hall, ‘History’, Elmfield Hall < https://www.elmfieldhall.co.uk/about/> [accessed 9 March 2023] (para. 2)
[53] R. Money Barnes, A History of the Regiments and Uniforms of the British Army (London: Seeley, Service, 1962), p. 197.
[54] Catherine Moriarty, ‘Dust to Dust. A Particular History of Khaki’, Textile: The Journal of Cloth and Culture, vol. 8, iss. 3 (2010), p. 307, Dr. Friedrich Carl Theis, ‘Khaki’ On Cotton and Other Material [e-book] (London: Heywood & Co. Ltd, 1903) p. 13. [accessed 9 March 2023]
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[56] John Preston, ‘No place for faint hearts!, Lancashire Evening Post, 6th September 1977, [Lancashire Archives] (paras. 2, 4, 7, 8 & 10)
[57] John Preston, ‘ “Mac” earned their respect’, Lancashire Evening Post, 4th October 1977, [Lancashire Archives] (para. 4)
[58] John Preston, ‘ “Mac” earned their respect’, Lancashire Evening Post, [LA] (para. 5)
[59] Peter Holme, Play Up, Higher Walton! Football in a Lancashire Village from 1882 – 2005, (Staining: Landy Publishing, 2006), p. 56.
[60] John Preston, ‘No place for faint hearts!’, Lancashire Evening Post [LA] (paras. 5,6,10,11 &12)
[61] Mike Huggins, ‘Betting capital of the provinces: Manchester, 1800 – 1900’, in Dave Russell (ed.), Sport in Manchester (Manchester: Manchester Metropolitan University, 2009)
[62] George Ewart Ellis, The Strength of the Hills (London: Faber and Faber, 1983), pp. 56 – 57.
[63] Holme, Play Up, Higher Walton! pp. 69 – 70; ‘Preston YMCA Cup Winners’, The Lancashire Daily Post, 20th April 1928, [accessed 11 March 2023], https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000711/19380420/229/0008
[64] Holme, Play Up, Higher Walton! p. 71.
[65] ‘Looking Back’, Lancashire Evening Post, 20th January 2006, [Lancashire Archives]
[66] Mike Hill, ‘Preston pub collapse claims four lives’, Lancashire Evening Post <https://www.lep.co.uk/heritage-and-retro/retro/preston-pub-collapse-claimed-four-lives-3035369> [accessed 1 February 2023] (para. 3)
[67] Hill, ‘Preston pub’, (paras. 6 & 8)
[68] Hill, ‘Preston pub’, (paras. 9 & 10)
[69] Hill, ‘Preston pub’, (para. 15)
[70] General Register Office, ‘Entry of Death’, Ancestry <https://search.ancestry.co.uk/cgi-bin/sse.dll?indiv=1&dbid=7579&h=39721366&tid=&pid=&queryId=b0a661b0bf4e71c61b6a4506a0af4dd8&usePUB=true&_phsrc=MEL2&_phstart=successSource> [accessed 11 March 2023]
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